Politicians Interrupt Quiet White House with Their Messages

November 20, 1864

Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner writes President Lincoln: “There is a movement among certain democrats & slave-holders at the North to substitute prospective Emancipation for immediate. They say that this would give the rebels an opportunity of making terms. But I have replied, promptly, when approached on this point, that freedom once given could not be reclaimed, & that the country was solemnly bound to the immediate present freedom of every slave in the rebel states.

Something is said in the newspapers about negotiations, terms of peace, & commissioners. I do not know that any such thing is seriously entertained; but I venture to suggest that there is no power in the rebel states with whom we can deal — surely not with Jefferson Davis, & his associate traitors. It only remains that the rebel armies should be broken. Let this be done, & the Unionists of the South can then show themselves.

I venture to suggest, whether the whole subject of ‘term’ & of ‘reconstruction’ does not properly belong to Congress, according to the analogies of our govt, if not according to the terms of the Constitution. I make this remark with no other object than to secure that harmony & unity in our public counsels, which will render the Govt. irresistible.

Next to the Rebellion itself I most dread a premature State Govt. in a rebel state, placing at hazard, as it must, these two things which we so much desire, Peace & Liberty.

I notice that the Chief Justiceship is not yet filled. Meanwhile the patter in the newspapers goes on, & the country is anxious. I know that my excellent friend Govr Morgan thought it advisable to postpone the nomination till after the election. I differed from him. I thought it ought to have been made on the evening of Taney’s funeral. The promptitude of the nomination would have had an inspiring effect. But I can see no ground of delay now, even if the pendency of the election furnished one.

To me it is of inconceivable important that the Constitution hereafter should be interpreted always for Freedom, & I long to have that assurance which can be found only in the appointment of a Chief Justice, whose position on this great question, in all its bearings, is already fixed & who will not need argts of counsel to convert him.

Illinois Governor-elect Richard J. Oglesby writes President Lincoln: “Allow me in common with the masses of the country who always speak from the heart — without much circumlocution — to congratulate you upon your Second great success– I am truly glad of it because I religiously believe the wellfare of the country matereally depended upon it– For two years I have had no two opinions about this matter– It was of little concern to you about who would take interest in your personal success — but I have always thought that a fair trial of the whole case with all its complicated issues demanded of the country that you should again become the candidate– It was fair that the man should be tried with his issues– The only time I ever desponded — and when I believe the country also did was when it was asserted with some notoriety — you were deliberating upon how you might not run and this too after the Baltimore Convention– I am truly glad that again your wisdom exceeded all the wisdom of the scribes and Pharissees

I have been over this State this summer & fall as I believe no man was ever over it before in any canvass and I do assure you — That you are still the Idol and the hope of the people– They never would have consented to have omited your name on the ticket– Their unswerving confidence in your honesty seems to be the key to this will of theirs — though there is no dispute about where true greatness lies– And now that it is all over and they have had their way about it and you too have had yours — It may not be impoper since I am writing with some frankness to say to you — what these good people in Illinois all say about you — “that your only fault seems to have been a somewhat too much indulgence in clemency to Traitors and their confederates under your power To tell the truth there has not been so much talk about it but there has been some. I was perhaps asked a dozen times to explain the Fort Pillow matter1 and I did so– A few times about the return of Valandigham to this country — and when If ever you would send him back. I said I though you might arrest him perhaps but did not see how you could send him back to Canada”– Whilst I would be glad to see strong examples where the violations of Law have been marked and cruel — I do not forget the embarrassment of any general policy on the subject– I might go farter — than you have — and probably would have done so — but cannot say the result would have been any better for the country– There was a habit for awhile with some of our western union orators to say, “I do not endorse all Mr Lincolns acts” “I do not like everything He does” “I do not sanction his whole policy” after a while this grew Irksome — people began to say If you materially differ from the President — state distinctly how and why– If it is not a material difference it is not worth alluding to — and verry soon this habit died out– Since the election it is not said at at all– what I mean by all this is that while they cordially and overwhelmingly endorse your administration there is no disposition with the people to Quarrel with you– It seems to me you are left free to consult your own good sense and follow your own good ways — we all promise to stand by you — and stay your hands on the one side and on the other until the going down of the “sun” We have put a stone under you be seated thereon and Israel shall prevail– In the mean time I understand you are at liberty to say to the rebels about what you said to ” whome It may concern” I think it is not expected you will say anything less however or make the terms easier– On the stump I did not hesitate daily to say it nor the people to endorse it Just as it came from your Pen — prefering generally If any modification were made that the terms should be more limited to the rebels — not increased — there is manifestly a verry general disposition amongst the rebel people to compel the rebels to submit humbly to the Laws without a single indulgence– There is also a verry general and wide spread notion — that we are abundantly able to make them do so — and that for these purposes we shall not fail in appealing to ourselves– I have not done myself the pleasure to write to you often never I believe in this strain before and take the liberty to do so now — that you may have no occasion to be in doubt as to the views and purposes of the people of our state — so far as I may be called upon to express or carry them out — in any relations with the Government which you have in hands Illinois will give to your new administration a cordial support — and will be proud to participate in the glory of saving the union under your guidance direction and controll– The people of the state are at present more concerned about their rights in the rebel States than their State rights in Illinois, hoping you may be blessed with good health and permited to preside over our country for another four years.”

Pennsylvania Congressman Thaddeus Stevens, an influential Radical Republican, writes President Lincoln: “This twaddle about new peace propositions, promulgated by [Benjamin F. Butler, and others is as unwise, and near as injurious as those made three or four months ago, which nearly ruined us — lest such feeble stuff enervates the public– I am happy in believing that you will give no countenance to such superficial suggestions.”

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President Lincoln Lifts Part of Southern Blockade

November 19, 1864

President Lincoln declares: “Whereas, by my Proclamation of the nineteenth of April, one thousand eight hundred and sixty one, it was declared that the ports of certain States including those of Norfolk, in the State of Virginia, Fernandina and Pensacola, in the State of Florida, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed under blockade; and whereas the said ports were subsequently blockaded accordingly, but having, for some time past, been in the military possession of the United States, it is deemed advisable that they should be opened to domestic and foreign commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section of the act of Congress, approved on the 13th. of July 1861, entitled “An act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports and for other purposes,” do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of Norfolk, Fernandina and Pensacola, shall so far cease and determine from and after the first day of December next that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, things and information contraband of war, may, from that time, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to such military and naval regulations as are now in force or may hereafter be found necessary.

Mary Todd Lincoln writes friend Mercy Levering Conkling: “I assure you & am deeply grateful for the renewed honor done, my noble & good Husband, who notwithstanding the great distinction conferred upon him, will ever remain true to his friends, & disinterested, in all that concerns himself. It has been gratifying, from all quarters, to receive so many kind & congratulatory letters, so fraught, with good feeling, & the White House, has been quite a Mecca of late – I consider myself fortunate, if at eleven o’clock, I once more find myself, in my pleasant room & very especially, if my tired & weary Husband, is there, resting in the lounge to receive me–to chat over the occurrences of the day…”

President Lincoln writes General Alfred Sully in Davenport, Iowa: “Let the Indian “Big Eagle” be discharged. I ordered this some time ago.”   A local lawyer, George S. C. Dow, had recently written President Lincoln: “You will remember me as the person to whom you were kind enough to give an order for the release of the Indian `Big Eagle.’”

This order failed to effect his release. The person in charge and to whom I presented it, treated me very rudely. I may as well say that he insulted me most grossly. He treated also the order and yourself with great contempt because as he said, you ought to know better than to write an order in pencil, or give it to a civilian.

I did not intend to trouble you again, but for reasons not necessary to be stated, I think I should report the facts to you, and request of you, that you will be kind enough to direct a note to the proper military officer, requesting him to issue the proper order for `Big Eagle’s’ discharge

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President Lincoln Has Pastor for Supper

November 18, 1864

The pastor of the New York Presbyterian Church, Dr. Phineas Gurley, and his wife come for dinner.

Maine Senator-elect Cornelius Stone writes President Lincoln about an upcoming political dilemma – the desire of both Treasury Secretary William P. Fessenden and outgoing Vice President Hannibal Hamlin to be elected to the Senate. Stone writes: “I am a member-elect of the Senate of Maine, and wish to avoid an unpleasant contest for the U. S. Senatorship between Mr. Hamlin and Mr. Fessenden. I have a high regard for both of those gentlemen. I would be glad to know if it would meet your wishes to have Mr. Fessenden continue in the office he now holds, after the 4th of March, as I have seen it stated in the papers that he intends to resign about that time. If we as a legislature, by any sanction of his course as senator equivalent to a re-election, can induce him to continue in his present position will it meet your wishes? I do not wish to involve you in any way, but if you see fit to make any communication to me on this subject it will be thankfully received.”

Maryland resident Sarah A. Richards writes President Lincoln: “I hope you may think fit to propose some releif for the quondam Slave owners of the State of Maryland in your message to Congress

I assure you it falls heavily upon the widow and orphan to be deprived of their property (and in many instances their only support) without remuneration. You are such a just person I am sure you will coenside with me in the opinion that something ought to be done for that class of which I am in both instances a member. Those who were foremost is rejecting your offer of emancipation with compensation, never owned a Slave, and therefore had no personal interest in the matter. It is only persons similarly situated as myself that have any claim upon the sympathy of the Govt. I have had two or three very pleasant personal interviews with you but when I saw you on the 20 of last month the Convention had not decided the all important question, or I should have spoken to you on the subject at that time. There are always so many claimants upon your time that I always “leave undone what I ought to have done” Just before I came in the room to see you, a gentleman from St Louis (apparently of great inteligence) had been giving me hints of an impending counter-revolution which filled me with such horrors as almost to stultify my ideas upon any other subject. He said it was his opinion we were on the eve of one of the darkest epochs that has yet cast its shadow over our once happy country

Wily New York Congressman Fernando Wood writes President Lincoln: “I hope the rumours looking to Peace [reflected in a speech by General Benjamin F. Butler] are founded in fact – I am an earnest, and sincere friend to this result and ask you to consider me as willing to be used in any capacity that will facilitate it – If commissioners shall be appointed permit me to suggest that at least one shall be taken from my wing of the Democratic party – If Peace is desired some one whose course will make him an appropriate agent should be selected– You have the power, and doubtless will exercise it wisely, and patriotically.”

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President Lincoln Meets with Maryland Union Committee

November 17, 1864

The Central Committee of the Maryland Union Party – the 1864 replacement for the Republican Party – meets with President and former Postmaster General Montgomery Blair introduces each member to Lincoln.             President Lincoln responds to a speech by Chairman William H. Purnell : “’He had to confess that he was fully notified of the intention thus kindly to call upon him, and by that means he had a fair opportunity offered to be ready with a set speech; but he had not prepared one, having been very busy with his public duties; therefore, he could only speak as the thoughts might occur to him. He would not attempt to conceal from them the fact that he was gratified at the results of the Presidential election, and he would assure them that he had kept as near as he could to the exercise of his best judgment, for the promotion of the interests of the whole country; and now, to have the seal of approbation marked on the course he had pursued was exceedingly gratifying to his feelings. He might go further and say that, in as large proportion as any other man, his pleasure consisted in the belief that the policy he had pursued would be the best and the only one that could save the country. He had said before, and would now repeat, that he indulged in no feeling of triumph over any one who thought or acted differently from himself. He had no such feeling towards any living man.

When he thought of Maryland in particular, it was that the people had more than double their share in what had occurred in the elections. He thought the adoption of their free State constitution was a bigger thing than their part in the Presidential election. He could, any day, have stipulated to lose Maryland in the Presidential election to save its free constitution, because the Presidential election comes every four years and the adoption of the constitution, being a good thing, could not be undone. He therefore thought in that they had a victory for the right worth a great deal more than their part in the Presidential election, although he thought well of that. He once before said, and would now say again, that those who had differed from us and opposed us would see that it was better for their own good that they had been defeated, rather than to have been successful. Thanking them for their compliment, he said he would bring to a close that short speech.’


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President Receives Results and Requests

November 16, 1864

President Lincoln continues to get election results from northern governors in response to his recent request.

From New York, banker Moses Taylor and others write President Lincoln backing the nomination of William Evarts as Chief Justice. From Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Levi Hubbell writes President Lincoln to back the nomination of Noah Swayne.

Charles Lanman, the librarian for the U. S. House of Representatives, writes President Lincoln in regarding to possible appointment as librarian of the Library of Congress: “Whilst a number of distinguished friends will probably speak or write to you in my behalf, I should be glad to reach your sympathies and judgment by my own unaided efforts.2 As you probably know me only as one who has immortalized some five thousand congressmen, I ask your acceptance of the accompanying volumes. The Life of Webster will show you on what terms I was with that distinguished man; and by glancing over the books of travel, you will find that, as a peaceful traveller I have described very many of the localities which have figured in the Rebellion.”

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Generals Write President

November 15, 1864

Among the correspondence President Lincoln receives from governors regarding election results and supporters of various candidates for the Supreme Court, he also receives important correspondence from three generals. President Lincoln had written the governors: “Please send, as soon as practicable, exactly, or approximately, the aggregate of votes cast in your State at the late election. It is desired with reference to the forthcoming Message” to Congress.

General George Thomas writes President Lincoln [Union] Gen [Alvan C.] Gillems force consisted of three 3 regiments of Tennessee Cavalry, and one battery of six guns belonging to the Governors Guards, about fifteen hundred men.”

General Carl Schurz writes President Lincoln: “On the 9th I addressed you a few lines asking for permission to visit Washington, but so far received no answer.1 I stated in my letter that, what I desired to speak to you about, had no reference to any personal interests of mine. Yesterday a matter was brought to my notice in which I have a very great personal interest and which renders it extremely important for me to go to Washington. This matter however is of a private nature and has nothing to do with political or military affairs. But it being of very great private importance to me I would most urgently request you to grant me the permission to visit Washington as soon as convenient, if possible by returning mail. The condition of Mrs. Schurz is such that I may now leave her for a few days. Soon this possibility will cease. Now have the kindness to let me hear from you as son as you conveniently can.”

General William Rosencrans writes President Lincoln from St. Louis, Missouri: “While awaiting details of the campaign I deem it my duty to say that abundant evidence accumulates to show that Prices invasion1 had the gravest designs, no less than turning the election in this State for McClellan & preventing in Kansas & by the aid of insurrectionists here & O A K’s from Illinois & Indiana the occupation of it till the new Administration should come in. The complete failure of this scheme Maj Genl Pleasonton by his gallantry & skill in handling our Cavalry in pursuit & action the country is so largely indebted that I most Respectfully recommend him for promotion to the vacant Brigadier in the Regular Army.”

President Lincoln goes to Grover’s Theatre to see Hamlet.

General William T. Sherman begins march from Atlanta to the sea.

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President Lincoln Accepts George B. McClellan’s Resignation as General

November 14, 1864

For the post of major general filled by George B. McClellan, defeated presidential candidate, General Philip Sheridan is nominated by President Lincoln.

Former Illinois Senator Orville H. Browning writes in his diary“In the evening called on the President.   He told me Genl Canby and Genl Hurlburt, In Louisiana, were doing all they could to break down the state government, organized under the new constitution, and to deprive the negroes of all benefit they had expected to derive from it, and he was then writing a letter, to Genl Hurlburt on the subject.” President Lincoln tells Browning that he has yet to start his annual message to Congress.

President Lincoln writes General Stephen Hurlbut: “Few things, since I have been here, have impressed me more painfully than what, for four or five months past, has appeared as bitter military opposition to the new State Government of Louisiana. I still indulged some hope that I was mistaken in the fact; but copies of a correspondence on the subject, between Gen. Canby and yourself, and shown me to-day, dispel that hope. A very fair proportion of the people of Louisiana have inaugerated a new State Government, making an excellent new constitution–better for the poor black man than we have in Illinois. This was done under military protection, directed by me, in the belief, still sincerely entertained, that with such a nucleous around which to build, we could get the State into position again sooner than otherwise. In this belief a general promise of protection and support, applicable alike to Louisiana and other states, was given in the last annual message. During the formation of the new government and constitution, they were supported by nearly every loyal person and opposed by every secessionist. And this support, and this opposition, from the respective stand points of the parties, was perfectly consistent and logical. Every Unionist ought to wish the new government to succeed; and every disunionist must desire it to fail. It’s failure would gladden the heart of Slidell in Europe, and of every enemy of the old flag in the world. Every advocate of slavery naturally desires to see blasted, and crushed, the liberty promised the black man by the new constitution. But why Gen. Canby and Gen. Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me incomprehensible.

Of course, in the condition of things at New-Orleans, the military must not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the constitutional convention, for what it deems a breach of previlege, arrests an editor, in no way connected with the military, the military necessity, for insulting the Convention, and forcibly discharging the editor, is difficult to perceive. Neither is the military necessity for protecting the people against paying large salaries, fixed by a Legislature of their own choosing, very apparant. Equally difficult to perceive is the military necessity for forcibly interposing to prevent a bank from loaning it’s own money to the State. These things, if they have occurred, are, at the best, no better than gratuitious hostility. I wish I could hope that they may be shown to not have occurred. To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military must not be thwarted by the civil authority; and I add that on points of difference the commanding general must be judge and master. But I also add that in the exercise of this judgment and control, a purpose, obvious and scarcely unavowed, to transcend all military necessity, in order to crush out the civil government, will not be overlooked.

General Hurlbut replied on November 29: “I confess myself much surprised at the tenor and spirit of its contents and am well assured that correct information has not be furnished you of the position either of Genl Canby or myself.

“I recognize as thoroughly as any man the advance toward the right made by the adoption of the Free Constitution of Louisiana, and have done and shall do all in my power to vindicate its declaration of freedom, and to protect and prepare the emancipated Bondsmen for their new status & condition. The fact has been withheld from you, Mr. President, but it still exists that nothing has been done for this purpose since the adoption of the Constitution – except by military authority.

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President Gets Information on Endangered Manufacturer

November 13, 1864

Amidst the congratulations being received at the White House for President Lincoln’s reelection, former Secretary of War Simon Cameron writes regarding the controversial case of a Pennsylvania supplier of military uniforms which faces financial ruin:

I would cheerfully write in behalf of Messr Bullock, but have said so much to Mr Stanton, and the President, in proof of its justice, that I fear to injure their cause by more interference. They were the most liberal & faithful friends of the adm. in Phila and, I am sorry to add worse treated than even the copperhead contractors, who are getting rich from the favors of the Government they have been trying to destroy– and they are really the men who have created a prejudice, I fear, against Bullock. It would be a disgrace to let them suffer — especially as the Sec’y & President both said to me their request was just & right

We have made a good fight — and won a great victory, and together, with Ohio & Indiana, we have by our Penn victory saved the Union — for without our battle in Oct. N. York would scarcely have been saved to the administration, but while I thank my friends for the many kind expressions, I want no reward which place can give. The cabinet has no charm for me, who tried it. I wish all men who in our ranks were as easily satisfied.

It is altogether too soon, to get into a [furor?] about the Senate. Two elections more will have to intervene, before the Legislature elects a U. S. Senator. I believe every man nominated this year for the state Senate was my friend and every one elected is. One Mr. Shriner, was defeated by a dozen votes, by, it is said, the great opposition of the State administration — but he is a man who will come up again, in the right time and place, for he has pluck, energy & talents.

Didnt we do well here in Dauphin? The copperheads paraded with a flag after the 8.’ Oct. labeled ” Cameron’s county only 600.” so the boys made the majority 1200, without the soldiers. I was away from home attending to the duties of the state com.

I expect to go to Washington Wednesday evening – and will try to drop into your office Thursday morning.

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Worn-out Illinois General Seeks Rest

November 12, 1864

From Illinois, General John A. Logan writes President Lincoln: “I am suffering very much with inflammation in the throat am not able to do duty at present will start to my command as soon as able Can I be permitted to remain a few days for rest & improvement of health before starting.” Logan, a former Democratic politician, had campaign arduously and ardently for President Lincoln.   A few weeks earlier, Congressman Elihu B. Washburne had written President Lincoln: “Genl. Jack Logan sends word to me that he wants to go to Washington after the election to see you about certain matters that he does not wish to write about.1 He wishes me to obtain the permission, which I know you will most gladly grant. Please send to me such permission and I will see it reaches him.

We are all hard at work in this state and the prospects for our success are good provided we get a reasonable number of the soldiers home. Logan is carrying all before him in Egypt. I have just got a letter from Cairo and our friends feel quite confident of beating Josh Allen. My majority in this district will not be less than 4,500.

From New York City, General John A. Dix writes President Lincoln regarding the political situation there: “I write you thus early after the overwhelming defeat of the peace party — on which I sincerely congratulate you — because I wish you to understand correctly the state of things here. We know from information derived from all parts of the State that the number of votes drawn off from McClellan by the meeting of the War Democrats at the Cooper Institute was much greater than the majority for the Union ticket. This encourages us to believe, as we had only a fortnight for work, that we can bring to your support a large majority of those, who voted against you at the election. We are not willing that this large body of men should remain neutral — a mere dead weight — but we wish to make it a working & efficient element in support of the war.

I write — not merely to say this — but to tender you my most earnest cooperation in accomplishing an object of so much importance to the Country, and to your enduring fame, as the reestablishment of the Union on a basis of principles, which shall induce its permanent tranquility.–

Victors can afford to be magnanimous; and with a policy at once conciliating and firm, I feel confident we can secure a cordial support to your measures by nearly the whole of the people of this State. Seymour2 and his immediate followers (a small band of poor politicians & worse poorer patriots) we do not want. They will taint by their narrowness of feeling & want of high principle any organization, into which they enter as active elements.

There is one wrong to be redressed. A Genl. Green, one of Gov. Seymour’s appointees & a disloyal man, issued shortly before the election an order, which should be noticed. In a few weeks a loyal Governor will be installed; and, if I am in command of the Department, I will ask you for an order, which is perfectly consistent with the Constitution and laws, & which will reach the case effectually.–

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President Lincoln Reveals Memo about Possible Defeat

November 11, 1864

Congratulations for his reelection continue to pour into President Lincoln. President aide John Hay writes in his diary about the memo that President Lincoln had written on August 23, 1864 when he anticipated losing the election: “At the meeting of the Cabinet today, the President took out a paper from his desk and said, “Gentlemen, do you remember last summer I asked you all to sign your names to the back of a paper of which I did not show you the inside? This is it. Now, Mr. Hay, see if you can get this open without tearing it?” He has pasted it up in so singular style that it required some cutting to get it open.

Executive Mansion


Aug. 23, 1864

This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he can not possibly save it afterwards.”(text of August 23 note]

Hay adds: The President said, ‘you will remember that this was written at a time (6 days before the Chicago nominating Convention) when as yet we had no adversary, and seemed to have no friends. I then solemnly resolved on the course of action indicated above. I resolved, in case of the election of General McClellan, being certain that he would be the candidate, that I would see him and talk matters over with him. I would say, ‘General, the election has demonstrated that you are stronger, have more influence with the American people than I. Now let us together, you with your influence and I with all the executive power of the Government, try to save the country. You raise as many troops as you possibly can for this final trial, and I will devote all my energies to assisting and finishing the war.’

Seward said, ‘And the General would answer you, ‘Yes, Yes;’ and the next day when you saw him again and pressed these views upon him, he would say, ‘Yes, Yes;’ & so on forever, and would have done nothing at all.”

“At least,’ added Lincoln, ‘I should have done my duty and have stood clear before my own conscience.”

Hay also writes in his diary: “Today I got a letter from [Henry J.] Raymond breathing fire an vengeance against the Custom House which came so near destroying him in his District. I read it to the President. He answered that it was the spirit of such letters as that created the faction and malignity of which Raymond complained.

“It seems utterly impossible for the President to conceive of the possibility of any good resulting from a rigorous and exemplary course of punishing political dereliction. His favorite expression, “I am in favor of short statutes of limitations in politics.”

Attorney General Edward Bates writes in diary: “Many Virginians are fleeing, to escape conscription. Robt. A. Gray…returned from the North, this morning. And during the day his brother, C. Douglas Gray and Beverly Botts came in, accompanied by Miss Rosalie Botts, and Mrs. Wager, an eldery widow….They [came] to escape conscription – the women, to buy necessaries –   I presented them to the President, who received them kindly, and granted their request.”

President Lincoln writes Admiral David G. Farragut: “An Executive order to Rear-Admiral David G. Farragut having been issued on the 9th of August last, directing that, if Andrew J. Hamilton, or any person authorized in writing by him, should come out of either of the ports of Galveston or Sabine Pass with any vessel or vessels freighted with cotton shipped to the agent of the Treasury Department at New Orleans, the passage of such person, vessels, and cargoes should not be molested or hindered, but should be permitted to pass to the hands of such consignee, the said order is from this date to be considered as revoked.”

Louisiana Governor Michael Hahn writes President Lincoln: The McClellan men in this State expressed an unwilling to go into the Presidential election, and for this and other reasons (some of which were of an economical character) your friends thought it best to elect the electors by the Legislature. This was done on Tuesday last, and seven good Lincoln men were elected. We have not yet heard any election news from the North, but we hope and pray that “all is right.”

If your new appointments for Louisiana are not yet made when this reaches you, I hope you will not neglect long in making them. I hope you have received my letter in which I recommended Col. James T. Tucker for the position of Supervising Special Agent of the Treasury Department, instead of Mr. Fisk, previously named for that office.

An effort is about being made to give certain rights to some of our colored population which have hitherto been withheld from them. Some of our friends think that the use of a letter which you wrote to me on the 13th of March 1864 (a copy of which I enclose) would prove of some service to the colored race and do you no harm. Please read, and inform me whether it would be advisable to make it public?

I hope Gen. Banks will not delay his departure for this Department. Without him, or some man of his views and character, we must breake break down in our efforts to build up a loyal State Government here. I regret to be compelled to say that Copperheadism is well represented among the highest military officials now in command here.

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