President Lincoln Works on Emancipation Proclamation

September 20, 1862

Assured that Confederate forces left the field of battle after Antietam, President Lincoln polishes the Emancipation Proclamation.

Discontent with insufficient praise from his superiors, General George B. McClellan tries to polish his reputation.  He writes General Henry W. Halleck: “I regret that you find it necessary to couch every dispatch I have the honor to receive from you, in a spirit of fault finding, and that you have not yet found leisure to say one word in commendation of the recent achievements of this Army, or even to allude to them.  I have abstained from giving the number of guns, colors, small arms, prisoners, etc. captured, until I could do so with some accuracy.  I hope by tomorrow evening to be able to give at least an approximate statement.”  McClellan writes his wife: “I hope that my future will be determined this week.  Thro’ certain friends of mine I have taken the stand that Stanton must leave & that Halleck must restore my old place to me.  Unless these two conditions are fulfilled I will leave the service. I feel that I have done all that can be asked in twice saving the country.  If I continue in its service I have at least the right to demand a guarantee that I shall not be interfered with — I know I cannot have that assurance so long as Stanton continues in the position of Secy of War & Halleck as Genl in Chief.  You will understand that it is a matter of indifference to me whether they come to terms or not.

I now feel that my military reputation is safe & that I can retire from the service for sufficient reasons without leaving any stain upon my reputation.  If eel now that this last short campaign is a sufficient legacy for our child, so far as honor is concerned…

You should see my soldiers now!  You never saw anything like their enthusiasm — it surpasses anything you ever imagined, & I don’t believe that Napoleon even ever possessed the love & confidence of his men more fully than I do of mine.”

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Published in: on September 20, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

General George B. McClellan Declares Victory after Battle of Antietam

September 19, 1862

The Lincoln Cabinet meets to review recent developments near to the capital.  General George B. McClellan writes General-in-chief Henry W. Halleck: “I have the honor to report that Maryland is entirely freed from the presence of the enemy, who has been driven across the Potomac.  No fears need now be entertained for the safety of Pennsylvania.  I shall at once reoccupy Harper’s Ferry.”

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News Reaches Washington about Antietam Stalemate

September 18, 1862

General George B. McClellan writes General Henry W. Halleck: “The battle of yesterday continued for fourteen hours, and until after dark.  We held all we gained except a portion of the extreme left that was obliged to abandon a part of what it had gained.  Our losses very heavy, especially in General officers.  The battle will probably be renewed today.  Send all the troops you can by the most expeditious route.” McClellan writes his wife: “We fought yesterday a terrible battle against the entire rebel army.  The battle continued 14 hours & was terrific — the fighting on both sides was superb.  The general result was in our favor, that is to say we gained a great deal of ground & held it.  It was a success, but whether a decided victory depends upon what occurs today.  I hope that God has give us a great success.  It is all in his hands, where I am content to leave it.  The spectacle yesterday was the grandest I could conceive of — nothing could be more sublime.  Those in whose judgment I rely tell me that I fought the battle splendidly & that it was a masterpiece of art.  I am well nigh tired out of anxiety & want of sleep.”

God has been good in sparing the lives of all my staff.  Genls Hooker, Sedgwick, Dana, Richardson & Hartsuff & several other general officers wounded.  Mansfield is dead I fear, but am not certain — I just learn that he is not mortally wounded…

Published in: on September 18, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

Washington Awaits Outcome of Battle of Antietam

September 17, 1862

The Army of the Potomac lead by Union General Georgew B. McClellan and the Army of Northern Virginia led Confederate General Robert E. Lee engage in a deadly battle by Antietam Creek in Maryland.   Lincoln confers with General-in-chief Henry W. Halleck at the general’s headquarters.

At the Soldier’s Home at night, President Lincoln works through another draft of the Emancipation Proclamation which he intends to issue of the Union Army is victorious.

Published in: on September 17, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

Nervous President Awaits War News

September 16, 1862

President Lincoln telegraphs Pennsylvania Governor Andrew G. Curtin: “What do you hear from Gen. McClellan’s army? We have nothing from him to-day.”  Later, Lincoln writes Curtin:  “Since telegraphing you, despatch came from Gen. McClellan, dated 7 o’clock this morning. Nothing of importance happened with him yesterday. This morning he was up with the enemy at Sharpsburg, and was waiting for heavy fog to rise.”

Published in: on September 16, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

Union and Confederates Close on Each Other in Maryland

September 15, 1862

President Lincoln permits himself some optimism and writes General George McClellan, whose army was closing in on Confederate forces in Maryland: “Your despatches of to-day received, God bless you, and all with you.  Destroy the rebel army, if possible.”

Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase writes in his diary that New York Republican leader Thurlow “Weed called and we had a long talk.  He expressed again his conviction that more decided measures are needed in an Anti-Slavery direction; and said there was much dissatisfaction with Seward in New-York because he is supposed to be averse to such measures.  I told hi, I did not doubt Mr. Seward’s fidelity to his ideas of progress, amelioration and freedom; but that I thought he adhered too tenaciously to men who proved themselves unworthy and dangerous, such as McClellan; that he resisted to persistently decided measures; that his influence encouraged the irresolution and inaction of the President in respect to men and measures, although personally he was ad decided as anybody in favor of vigorous prosecution of the war, and as active as anybody in concerting plans of action against the rebels.  Mr. weed admitted that there was much justice in my views, and said he had expressed similar ideas to Mr. Seward himself.  He said he would see him again, and that Seward and I must agree on a definite line, especially on the Slavery question, which we must recommend to the President.  We talked a good deal about our matters–about the absence of proper Cabinet discussion of important subjects–about Tax appointments in New-York, with which he is well satisfied, &c.”

Published in: on September 15, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

White House Calm before the Antietam Storm

September 14, 1862

There are no big meetings on the President’s schedule. About this time, Lincoln aide John Hay wrote in his diary: “Today, going into the Executive Mansion, I met Governor Seward coming out.  I turned back and walked home with him.  He said our foreign affairs are very much confused.  He acknowledged himself a little saddened.  Walking on, he said, ‘Mr Hay what is the use of growing old?  You learn something of men and things but never until too late to use it.  I have just now found out what military jealousy is.  I have been wishing for some months to go home to my people but could not while our armies were scattered and in danger.  The other day I went down to Alexandria and found General McClellans army landing.  I considered our armies united virtually and thought them invincible.  I went home and the first news I received was that each had been attacked and each in effect, beaten.  It never had occurred to me that any jealousy could prevent these generals from acting for their common fame and the welfare of the country.”

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President Lincoln Makes the Case Against Emancipation as Battle Worries Mount

September 13, 1862

Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase writes in his diary “Telegram from Gov. Curtin yesterday states that a reliable gentleman of Maryland, who had opportunities to converse freely with officers of the rebel army, says that the rebel force in Maryland is 190,000, and on the other side of the Potomac 250,000–in all 440,000.  This is a specimen of information collected and believed!

Came home and Cooke called with Mr. Davis, General Birney’s partner, who wants him made a Major-General with command of Kearney’s corps.  I think this should be done.  We must advance all our Republican officers who have real merit, so as to counterpoise the two great weight already given to Democratic officers, without much merit.  They have been more pushed than the Republicans and we have been more than just–more than generous even–we have been lavish towards them.  It is time to change the policy.”

General George B. McClellan writes President Lincoln: “I have the whole Rebel force in front of me but am confident and no time shall be lost.  I have a difficult task to perform but with Gods blessing will accomplish it.  I think Lee has made a gross mistake and that he will be severely punished for it.  The Army is in motion as rapidly as possible.  I hope for a great success if the plans of the Rebels remain unchanged.  We have possession of Cotocktaine.  I have all the plans of the Rebels and will catch them in their own trap if my men are equal to the emergency.  I now feel that I can count on them as of old.  All forces of Pennsylvania should be placed to cooperate at Chambersburg.  My respects to Mrs. Lincoln.”  McClellan writes General Henry W. Halleck:

You will perceive from what I have stated that there is but little probability of the enemy being in much force south of the Potomac.  I do not by any means wish to be understood as undervaluing the importance of holding Washington.  It is of great consequence, but upon the success of this Army the fate of the nation depends.

It was for this reason that I said everything else should be made subordinate to placing this Army in a proper condition to meet the large rebel force in our front.

Unless Genl Lee has changed his plans I expect a severe general engagement tomorrow.  I feel confident that there is now no rebel force immediately threatening Washington or Baltimore but that I have the mass of their troops to contend with & they outnumber me when united.

Steadily, President Lincoln was approaching the proclamation of emancipation.   Some of the work was undoubtedly done at the Soldiers’ Home on the northern edge of the capital city.  On his way to the White House this morning, the president sprains his wrist.   But he has bigger problems.   President Lincoln“dealt shrewdly with public opinion,” wrote historian Historian Allan Nevins.  “As premature disclosure would have done great harm, he deliberately obscured his purpose, talking to different men in different veins.  He often dissented from visitors anyway, just to excite them to a more vigorous statement of their reasons.  To radicals, such as a deputation of ministers, he now argued reasons for delay; to conservatives like a his old Maryland friend Reverdy Johnson he offered reasons for acting.  He gave Chase the impression that he would let the field commanders arm Negroes for defensive action; Leonard Swett, however, departed with the impression that he was adamant against both emancipation and the use of freedmen as soldiers.  The last thing he could afford at the moment was to speak out.  Nevertheless he did drop some pregnant hints. Meeting with some Chicago ministers pressing for emancipation, Lincoln the lawyer argued against them – even as he was drafting a proclamation of which they would approve:

“The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months.  I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will.  I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both.  I hope it will be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.  And if I can learn what it is I will do it!  These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect for a direct revelation.  I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible and learn what appears to be wise and right.  The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree.  For instance, the other day four gentlemen of standing and intelligence (naming one or two of the number) from New York called, as a delegation, on business connected with the war; but, before leaving, two of them earnestly beset me to proclaim general emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them!  You know, also, that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they could not united  on this policy.  And the same is true of the religious people.  Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expected God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met with nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their prayers.  But we will talk over the merits of the case.

“What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated?  I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope’s bull against the comet!  Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States?  Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?  And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress,  which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines?  Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us.  And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them?  How can we feed and care for such a multitude?  Gen. Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops under his command.  They eat, and that is all, though it is true Gen. Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there.  If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again; for I am told that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off!  They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee river a few days ago.  And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it!  For instance, when,, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the Government would probably do nothing about it.  What could I do?  [Here your delegation suggested that this was a gross outrage on a flag of truce, which covers and protects all over which it waves, and that whatever he could do if white men had been similarly detained he could do in this case.]

“Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on a legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy.  Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South.  I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.”

Thus invited, your delegation very willingly made reply to the following effect; it being understood that a portion of the remarks were intermingled in the way of conversation with those of the President just given.

We observed (taking up the President’s ideas in order) that good men indeed differed in their opinions on this subject; nevertheless the truth was somewhere, and it was a matter of solemn moment for him to ascertain it; that we had not been so wanting in respect, alike to ourselves and to him, as to come a thousand miles to bring merely our opinion to be set over against the opinion of other parties; that the memorial contained facts, principles, and arguments which appealed to the intelligence of the President and to his faith in Divine Providence; that he could not deny that the Bible denounced oppression as one of the highest crimes, threatened Divine judgments against nations that practice it; that our country had been exceedingly guilty in this respect, both at the North and South; that our just punishment has come by a slaveholder’s rebellion; that the virus of secession is found wherever the virus of slavery extends, and no farther; so that there is the amplest reason for expecting to avert Divine judgments by putting away the sin, and for hoping to remedy the national troubles by striking at their cause.

We observed, further that we freely admitted the probability, and even the certainty, that God would reveal the path of duty to the President as well as to others; provided he sought to learn it in the appointed way; but, as according to his own remark, Providence wrought by means not miraculously, it might be, God would use the suggestions and arguments of other minds to secure that result.  We felt the deepest personal interest in the matter as of national concern, and would fain aid the thoughts of our President by communicating the convictions of the Christian community from which we came, with the ground upon which they were based.

That is true he could not now enforce the Constitution at the South; but we could see in that fact no reason whatever for not proclaiming emancipation, but rather the contrary.  The two appealed to different classes; the latter would aid, and in truth was necessary to re-establish the former; and the two could be made operative together as fast as our armies fought their way southward; while we had yet to hear that he proposed to abandon the Constitution because of present difficulty of enforcing it.

As to the inability of Congress to agree on this policy at the late session, it was quite possible, in view of subsequent events, there might be more unanimity at another meeting.  The members have met their constituents and learned of marvellous conversions to the wisdom of emancipation, especially since late reverse have awakened thought as to the extreme peril of the nation, and made bad men as well as good men realize that we have to deal with God in this matter.  Men of the most opposite previous views were now uniting in calling for this measure.

That to proclaim emancipation would secure the sympathy of Europe and the whole civilized world, which now saw no other reason for the strife than national pride and ambition, an unwillingness to abridge our domain and power.  No other step would be so potent to prevent foreign intervention.

Furthermore, it would send a thrill through the entire North, firing every patriotic heart, giving the people a glorious principle for which to suffer and to fight, and assuring them that the work was to be so thoroughly done as to leave our country free forever from danger and disgrace in this quarter.

We added, that when the proclamation should become widely known (as the law of Congress not been) it would withdraw the slaves from the rebels, leaving them without laborers and soldiers. That the difficulty experienced by Gen. Butler and other Generals arose from the fact that half-way measures could never avail.  It is the inherent vice of half-way measures that they create as many difficulties as they remove.  It is folly merely to receive and feed the slaves.  They should be welcomed and fed, and then, according to Paul’s doctrine, that they who eat must work, be made to labor and to fight for their liberty and ours.  With such a policy the blacks would be no incumbrance and their rations no waste.  In this respect we should follow the ancient maxim, and learn of the enemy.  What the rebels most fear is what we should be most prompt to do; and what they most fear is evident from the hot haste with which, on the first day of the present session of the Rebel Congress, bills were introduced threatening terrible vengeance if we used the blacks in the war.

The President rejoined from time to time in about these terms:

“I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non.  The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument.  I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition.  I grant further that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.  Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war.  And then unquestionably it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance.  But I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks.  If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and indeed thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops.  I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt: There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the Border Slave States.  It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels.  I do not think they all would–not so many indeed as a year ago, or as six months ago–not so many to-day as yesterday.  Every day increases their Union feeling.  They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the rebels.  Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people in the fact that constitutional government is at stake.  This is a fundamental idea, going down about as deep as any thing.”

We answered that, being fresh from the people, we were naturally more hopeful than himself as to the necessity and probably effect of such a proclamation.  The value of constitutional government is indeed a grand idea for which to contend; but the people know that nothing else has put constitutional government in danger but slavery; that the toleration of that aristocratic and despotic element among our free institutions was the inconsistency that had nearly wrought our ruin and caused free government to appear a failure before the world, and therefore the people demand emancipation to preserve and perpetuate constitutional government.  Our idea would thus be found to go deeper than this, and to be armed with corresponding power.  (“Yes,” interrupted Mr. Lincoln, “that is the true ground of our difficulties.”)  That a proclamation of general emancipation, “giving Liberty and Union ” as the national watch-word, would rouse the people and rally them to his support beyond any thing yet witnessed–appealing alike to conscience, sentiment and hope.  He must remember, too, that present manifestations are no index [?????] of what would then take place.  If the leader will but utter a trumpet call the nation will respond with patriotic ardor.  No one can tell the power of the right word from the right man to develop the latent fire and enthusiasm of the masses.  (“I know it,” exclaimed Mr. Lincoln.)  That good sense must of course be exercised in drilling, arming and using black as well as white troops to make them efficient; and that in a scarcity of arms it was at least worthy of inquiry whether it were not wise to place a portion of them in the hands of those nearest to the seat of the rebellion and able to strike the deadliest blow.

That in case of a proclamation of emancipation we had no fear of serious injury from the desertion of Border State troops.  The danger was greatly diminished, as the President had admitted.  But let the desertions be what they might, the increased spirit of the North would replace them two to one.  One State alone, if necessary, would compensate the loss, were the whole 50,000 to join the enemy.  The struggle has gone too far, and cost too much treasure and blood, to allow of a partial settlement.  Let the line be drawn at the same time between freedom and slavery, and between loyalty and treason.  The sooner we know who are our enemies the better.

In bringing our interview to a close, after an hour of earnest and frank discussion, of which the foregoing is a specimen, Mr. Lincoln remarked: “Do not misunderstood me, because I have mentioned these objections.  They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire.  I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement.  And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other.  Whatever shall appear to be God’s will I will do.  I trust that, in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not in any respect injured your feelings.”

Published in: on September 13, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

President Lincoln Focuses On Maryland Military Situation

September 12, 1862

While trying to calm panic, President Lincoln anxiously monitors development by General George B. McClellan’s forces maneuvering in Maryland.  At 4 A.M., Lincoln wires McClellan: “How does it look now?”  Later, Lincoln writes the general:  “Receiving nothing from Harper’s Ferry or Martinsburg to-day, and positive information from Wheeling that the line is cut, corroborates the idea that the enemy is recrossing the Potomac. Please do not let him get off without being hurt.”

McClellan writes President Lincoln:“You will have learned by my telegrams to Genl Halleck that we hold Frederick & the line of the Monocacy. I have taken all possible means to communicate with harper’s Ferry so that I may send to its relief if necessary.  Cavalry are in pursuit of the Westminister party with orders to catch them at all hazards. The main body of my cavalry & horse artillery are ordered after the enemy’s main column with orders to check its march as much as possible that I may overtake it.  If Harper’s Ferry is still in our possession I think I can save the garrison if they fight at all.  If the rebels are really moving into Penna I shall soon be up with them.  My apprehension is that they may make for Williamsport & get across the river before I can catch them.”

Lincoln writes Pennsylvania Governor Andrew G. Curtin: “Your despatch asking for eighty thousand disciplined troops to be sent to Pennsylvania is received. Please consider. We have not to exceed eighty thousand disciplined troops, properly so called, this side of the mountains, and most of them, with many of the new regiments, are now close in the rear of the enemy supposed to be invading Pennsylvania. Start half of them to Harrisburg, and the enemy will turn upon and beat the remaining half, and then reach Harrisburg before the part going there, and beat it too when it comes. The best possible security for Pennsylvania is putting the strongest force possible into the enemies rear.”

Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase complains in his diary: “It is a bad state of things; but neither the President, his counsellors nor his commanding generals seem to care.  They rush on from expense to expense and from defeat to defeat, heedless of the abyss of bankruptcy and ruin which yawns before us–so easily shunned, yet seemingly so sure to engulf us.  May God open the eyes of those who control, before it is too late!”  Chase continued: “Called at President’s, and spoke to him of leave of absence to Cameron. He referred me to Seward, to whom I went, and was informed that leave was sent by last steamer.–We talked on many things—Barney’s appointments, conduct of the war, &c., &c.–Engaged to go together tomorrow, and urge expedition to C[haresto]n.–He said some one had proposed that the President should issue a Proclamation, on the invasion of Pennsylvania, freeing all the Apprentices of that State, or with some similar object.  I thought the jest ill-timed.

Published in: on September 12, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment  

Request to Mobilize Pennsylvania Troops

September 11, 1862

As Confederates threaten Maryland and Pennsylvania, President Lincoln discusses mobilization of Pennsylvania and request from the state’s governor, Andrew G. Curtin.  Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase writes in his diary: “ “On arriving at the War Department, found Gen Wright, of Penna., there; with a request from Gov. Curtin to call into active service all the able bodied men of the State.  The President, Gen. Halleck and Mr. Stanton submitted the question, ‘What answer shall be returned to Gov Curtin?’–Gen. H. thought the important thing was to mass all the force possible on this side the enemy, and defeat him; and that a general army of Pennsylvania would not be sufficiently available to warrant the vast expenses sure to be incurred.–Mr. Stanton expressed no opinion as to defeat of the enemy from this side, but thought Gov. Curtin’s proposal too large to be entertained, and stated that the arms for a general arming could not be furnished.–I asked Gen. H., ‘What force, in your opinion, has the enemy?’–‘From the best evidence I have–not satisfactory, but the best–I reckon the whole number in Maryland and the vicinity of Washington, at 150,000.’–‘How many in Maryland?’–‘Two-thirds probably, or 100,000’–‘What in your judgment as a soldier, are the designs of the enemy?’–‘Impossible to judge with certainty.  Suppose he will do what I would do if in his place–rest, recruit, get supplies, augment force, and obtain all possible information; and then strike the safest and most effectual blow he can–at Washington, Baltimore or Philadelphia.  If not strong enough to strike a blow, he will, after getting all he can, attempt to re-cross into Virginia.’–‘You think, then, there is no probably of an advance into Pennsylvania at present.’–‘None, unless a raid.’–Upon these statements, I expressed the opinion, that, considering the situation of our troops sent out to attack the rebel army, it was not impossible that a raid, at least would be attempted into Pennsylvania, and that Gov. Curtin was wise in making provision for it; that the proposition to arm the whole people was, however, too broad; and that I thought it would be well to authorize the Governor to call out as many troops as could be armed with the arms he reported himself as having–say 30,000.  The President said he was averse to giving the order, on the score of expense; but would think of it till tomorrow.

General George B. McClellan writes General Henry W. Halleck: “Everything seems to indicate that they intend to hazard all upon the issue of the coming battle.  They are probably aware that their forces are numerically superior to ours by at least twenty-five per cent.  This, with the prestige of their recent successes, will, without doubt, inspire them with a confidence which will cause them to fight well.  The momentous consequences involved in the struggle of the next few days impel me, at the risk of being considered slow and overcautious, to most earnestly recommend that every available man be at once added to this army.”

President Lincoln authorizes colonization project in Panama.

Published in: on September 11, 2012 at 9:00 am  Leave a Comment